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The first generation of social realists came of age during the rise of nationalist fervor and student activism that found expression in massive street protests at the start of the 1970s.
With regards to peace-keeping, although realists make the point that the network of international organizations is spread very unevenly across the globe, liberalists have the upper hand when defending UN success rates in areas of civil conflict, Namibia (1989-90), El Salvador (1991-95) and Cambodia (1991-93) are repeatedly cited as success stories.
Without particularizing Bernie Sanders, who I think has relatively little interest in international affairs, it is certainly true that there is a core of realist leftists who intensely dislike the Democrats' wholesale endorsement of neoconservative ideology and policies and resent the complacency shown by so many "progressives" about these issues.
As such, there is a need to explicitly recognize tensions between pragmatic present-oriented reforms as suggested by left realists (such as social democratic policing, dispute resolution centers, meaningful employment for youth, and alternative sanctions) and radical, future-oriented structural changes as called for by left idealists (such as radical alternatives to capitalism, incarceration, and law enforcement as well as the amelioration of poverty, racism, sexism, and other forms of inequality exacerbated by contemporary systems of punishment).
Realists know that while the balance of power is not a panacea, maintaining an advantageous balance of power with rivals is generally in a nation's interest.
They want to be realists when it serves their needs and idealists when it is in their interests--to promote democracy in select countries (idealism) but argue that it's for hard-headed reasons of national interest (realism).
I doubt that many will be persuaded by this because any surrogate for a universal (for instance, a predicate, a class) will itself have properties and exhibit type/token phenomena, two points that bring a smile to realists. Chapter seven applies pluralism to "problematic" properties--(1) mathematical (these are "secured" as abundant by noticing that, for example, "5" seems to be an abstract singular term used in true sentences; sadly, Edwards rules out mathematical properties as universals because of his employment of Armstrong's a posteriori, no-unexemplified-properties view.
Wright's self-description as a Legal Realist must, of course, seem strange to anyone who recalls how the Legal Realists of the 1920s greeted the newly created American Law Institute and its proposed Restatements of the Law.
That division contrasts liberal and realist views of the world.
Classical realists are usually considered as a reaction liberal approaches to international politics.7
Reagan, who he holds up as the archetype of conservative internationalism, was, rhetoric aside, a realist in foreign policy.