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A sudden, tumultuous, and radical transformation of an entire system of government, including its legal and political components.

In many instances, revolutions encompass society as a whole, bringing fundamental change to a culture's economic, religious, and institutional framework. Fundamental change that is incrementally wrought over time is more properly considered evolutionary rather than revolutionary. A revolution also should be contrasted with a coup d'etat, which generally involves the violent ousting of a particular regime or its leaders, but which otherwise leaves intact the culture's political, legal, and economic infrastructure.

In many ways law and revolution occupy polar extremes in a political system. Law serves as one of the principal edifices upon which social order is built. Revolutions, on the other hand, seek to dismantle the existing social order. Legal systems are established in part to replace private forms of justice, such as Self-Help and Vigilantism, which can lead to endless cycles of revenge. Revolutions, conversely, depend on persons who are willing to take law into their own hands.

At the same time, law can serve as the motivating force behind revolutionary activity. In writing the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson explained that it had become necessary for the colonies to dissolve their formal ties with Great Britain because the king of England had abused his autocratic power by denying Americans their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. These rights, Jefferson said, are guaranteed by an unwritten Natural Law. The American Revolution, then, was fought to restore the Rule of Law in the United States, which was not fully accomplished until the power of government was subordinated to the will of the people in the state and federal constitutions.

Along these same lines, John Locke, in his Second Treatise of Government (1690), postulated the right of all citizens to revolt against tyrants who subvert the law and oppress the populace through the wanton use of force and terror. Such tyrannical abuse of power, Locke said, may be resisted because every person is born with the rights to Self-Defense and selfpreservation, which supersede the laws of a despotic sovereign. However, neither Jefferson nor Locke prescribed a formula to determine when governmental behavior becomes sufficiently despotic to justify revolution.

The traditional meaning of the term revolution has been watered down by popular culture. Every day Americans are inundated with talk of revolution. The fitness revolution, the technology revolution, the computer revolution, and the information revolution are just a few examples of the everyday usage of this term. Such common usage has diluted the meaning of revolution to such an extent that it is now virtually synonymous with benign terms such as change, development, and progress.

Yet traditional revolutions are rarely benign. The French Revolution of 1789 is historically associated with the unfettered bloodletting at the guillotine. The twentieth-century revolutions in Russia, Southeast Asia, and Central America were marked by the mass extermination and persecution of political opponents.

These revolutions demonstrate the tension separating power from the rule of law. Following a revolution, members of new regimes are inevitably tempted to "get even" with the leaders of the ousted regime to whom they attribute the commission of horrible acts while in office. Now holding the reins of sovereignty, the new regime has acquired the power to impose an expedient form of justice upon members of the old regime. This form of justice has many faces, including the confiscation of property without a hearing, forcible detention without trial, and the implementation of summary executions.

However, the rule of law requires governments to act in strict accordance with clearly defined and well-established legal procedures and principles. The rule of law disfavors Arbitrary and capricious governmental action. Thus, every revolutionary regime faces a similar dilemma: how to make a deposed regime pay for its tyrannical behavior without committing acts of tyranny itself. The identity and ideological direction of a revolutionary regime is often determined by the manner in which this dilemma is resolved.

Further readings

Berman, Harold. 1983. Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition. Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press.

O'Kane, Rosemary H.T. 2004. Paths to Democracy: Revolution and Totalitarianism. New York: Routledge.

Wood, Gordon. 1991. The Radicalism of the American Revolution. New York: Vintage Books.


Anarchism; Communism; Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich; Marx, Karl Heinrich.

West's Encyclopedia of American Law, edition 2. Copyright 2008 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
References in periodicals archive ?
Moreover, since the mid-1980s, certain principles of Kemalism, such as populism, revolutionism and statism started to be undermined by IMF prescriptions and massive privatisation in the country (Akcali & Perincek 2009, p.
The second triad was closely related with the first and is based on three traditions of international thought identified by Wight as Realism (associated with Machievelli), Rationalism (associated with Grotius), and Revolutionism (associated with Kant).
Responding during a radio broadcast over CBS in 1948 to Lyman Bryson's questions--" What is the essence of [Whitman's] revolutionism? ...
(9) Transnationally Latinate--to facilitate ruling-class collaboration from community to community-or in one or the other of the local vernaculars, the expressions tend to cluster about the regular outbreaks of pan-European peasant revolutionism that characterize the high-medieval feudalism--twelfth century, fourteenth century, early in the sixteenth too--when some justification or rationale for repression was exigent, to complement in ideology and to corroborate the actual, concrete ruling-class violence necessary to restore the exigent kind of order.
The ferocity and imbecility of an autocratic rule rejecting all legality and in fact basing itself upon complete moral anarchism provokes the no less imbecile and atrocious answer of a purely Utopian revolutionism encompassing destruction by the first means to hand, in the strange conviction that a fundamental change of hearts must follow the downfall of any given human institutions.
To find a way forward, we need to retrieve and develop ideas from the conservative revolutionism of the Founding Fathers, who were aware that true democracy and freedom are hard to achieve, even harder to safeguard, and that preserving them from the normal abuses of power as well as from "the impostures of pretended patriotism" would be a task for the generations.
Consequently, the article stating that "the established religion of Turkey is Islam" was removed from the constitution and the principles of secularism and revolutionism was added.
Driven by the spectres of America and France, they were deeply suspicious of 'revolutionism'.
He quotes Conrad's prophetic criticism in the preface to the novel of both the rule of the Russian Czar and the revolutionaries whose success replaced a tyranny with one incalculably worse: The ferocity and imbecility of an autocratic rule rejecting all legality and in fact basing itself upon complete moral anarchism provokes the no less imbecile and atrocious answer of a purely Utopian revolutionism encompassing destruction by the first means to hand, in the strange conviction that a fundamental change of hearts must follow the downfall of any given human institution.
If there is no reasonable expectation of such a final victory--at least within our lifetimes--it might seem that the struggle is fruitless, and that is one of unfortunate legacies of revolutionism. That the struggle will not end soon does not make struggle any less necessary.
By rejecting the Paris fashion that requires every self-respecting nation to conform to the ideology of revolutionism, and demoting revolution to its proper status as a metaphor, Anglo-Saxon historians of the events of 1642, 1688, and 1776 are coming to a better appreciation of their contingencies, and of their true history--to use a word that Clark believes should not be required to wear the guilty handcuffs of quotation marks.