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Both pragmatism and conservatism represent alternatives to typical Enlightenment rationalism, as well as to some classical thought.
There are clear similarities between conservatism and pragmatism, but where things get problematic is in the question of precisely how similar, or compatible, conservatism and pragmatism ultimately are.
Not only did books with titles like Conservatism Revisited, The Case for Conservatism, The Conservative Mind, and Conservatism in America appear in rapid succession between 1947 and 1955, but distinctly conservative ideas--not merely pro-business or anticommunist ones--were unmistakable in works by authors such as Richard M.
Why did conservatism enjoy a revival at this, of all times, even in as unlikely a place as America?
However, this sort of conservatism does not come cheap.
Yet another and decidedly different mode of conservatism opens up at this point.
Yet his learned and fair-minded reconstruction lends support to the view that the proper way forward for conservatives is neither greater purity nor a more perfect unity, but a richer appreciation of the paradoxes of modern conservatism and a more assiduous cultivation of the moderation that is necessary to hold conservatism's diverse elements, frequently both complementary and conflicting, in proper balance.
According to Allitt, conservatism is, first, "an attitude to social and political change that looks for support to the ideas, beliefs, and habits of the past and puts more faith in the lessons of history than in the abstractions of political philosophy.
In Russia, Russian conservatism is rapidly becoming one of the most fashionable topics in intellectual history.
In its insistence on interpreting conservatism as political culture, Pipes's essay departs from a tradition of studying conservatism and other political ideologies in imperial Russia as intellectual formations, and especially recent trends in this field.
He doesn't trouble himself to defend this departure from the conventional view, though clearly it is meant to suggest that conservatism has more to do with irrational often ugly prejudices than with anything rational and moral.
The most glaring is his insistence that conservatism is essentially white and Protestant, even as he recounts the significant role that Catholics, Jews, and several important black thinkers have played in it.