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He refers to past efforts to reform systems, citing the men of the Enlightenment who led the French revolution and the Nazis as examples of people working as collectives to replace institutions, and suggests that liberal individualism has undermined people's ability to, or perhaps interest in, working collectively.
Vasquez adeptly addresses this and other contradictions while examining "the tension between [the authors'] desires to contest liberal individualism and their use of the individual [outlaw] as a strategy for empowerment" and insight into ideological processes (64-65).
A social justice orientation for counseling is appealing to many but appears to some to violate counselor neutrality and respect for client freedom and rights, Confusion about neutrality and advocacy in the counseling field seems to reflect confused assumptions and values in the wider culture, As a result, counseling is guided more by a disguised ideology of liberal individualism than an objective theory or value-neutral principles.
Pettit criticizes traditional liberal individualism insofar as it ignores the social constitution of the individual, holding an exclusively negative notion of freedom.
Harris-Perry updates a point made by historian Harold Cruse over four decades ago, that despite the liberal individualism central to the idea of the American social contract, in practice members of stigmatized groups are not perceived as individuals.
But Salafism is also a powerful source of personal identity, shaped and reinforced by a common form of dress and style of beard, a high degree of social conservatism, and a generally negative (but nuanced) perception of liberal individualism.
Underpinning "diversity of tactics" is not an alternative vision of democratic collectivity, but a supremely entitled liberal individualism.
Even more important, this final piece makes explicit Burt's overriding concern, his stance toward the poetry he has been reading: "What if the ways in which we can think (or have been taught to think) about lyric poetry do not depend on our tacit acceptance of a liberal individualism (as radical critics allege), but instead support (provide good evidence for) it?
Liberal individualism is certainly a vital current of modernity, but it is not modernity's single defining feature.
A second is that over time ethnicity is replaced by economic self-interest: the initial wave of British Ontarians with their monarchism and liberal individualism was later joined by non-British immigrants forced to survive on clientelist politics until radical class analysis during and after the Winnipeg General Strike moved the province to working-class electoral politics of a "Third Way" kind.

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