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priorities should not be strictly enforced, because reorganizers needed
The leading reorganizers warmly embraced the 1934 legislation,
One risk was that the reorganizers would attempt to evade the new
The third section explains differences in the relative success reorganizers had and, related to this, the emergence of conflicts inside the parties pushing reorganization.
Although their efforts to transform the state were not uniformly successful and although reorganizers had different motivations, they did share a reasonably common picture of a "new model" state as a means to their somewhat diverse ends.
Reorganizers, particularly fiscal bureaucrats in these four countries, consciously drew on private sector models.(24) Both bureaucrats and actors in the tradables sector saw markets as a way to discipline the public sector.
Finally, all of the reorganizers tried to introduce competitive pressures to force managers to use their newfound freedom to seek productivity-enhancing changes in work practices and to prevent the reemergence of old bureaucratic norms.
Reorganizers sought to change the way managers controlled employees.
In a complementary step, reorganizers also wanted to change the constraints imposed on managers by central bureaucrats.
In 1985 a new manager was hired who was known to have been a successful reorganizer in other banks.
In the vicious spiral, the reorganizer unsuccessfully tried to overcome the status quo, his subordinates also attempted to overcome the status quo, and eventually the manager and his subordinates collided dialectically.